After the drama of the hunger strikes, the “long war” of attrition resumed. Likewise in muraling, there was a lull in the mid-1980s in comparison with the hectic pace achieved in 1981 and 1982.
The most notable new type of republican mural (alongside the paramilitary, oppression-resistance, and traditional murals which continued to be painted) was electoral murals. Hunger striker Bobby Sands had stood for the Westminster seat of Fermanagh & South Tyrone in 1981 and was elected. The possibility of an electoral campaign in addition to the military campaign was immediately apparent: Danny Morrison’s famously declared “Who here really believes we can win the war through the ballot box? But will anyone here object if, with a ballot paper in this hand and an Armalite in the other, we take power in Ireland?”. Sinn Féin ran candidates in the 1981 Assembly elections and won five seats (of 78); in the 1983 Westminster election, its candidates stood in 13 of the 17 constituencies and Gerry Adams was elected for Belfast West. Some murals encouraged voting for Sinn Féin in general and these lasted longer than murals painted for specific elections. These had a built-in expiry date and were quickly removed; they were suited to small boards as well as full-scale gables.
Loyalist muraling in Belfast saw a localised spurt in 1984 with a series of murals by Alan Skillen in Percy Place (just off the lower Shankill). These (separately) featured a variety of traditional and paramilitary imagery, such as the crown and Bible, on the one hand, and an armed and masked volunteer standing on a free-floating Northern Ireland, on the other.
In November of 1985, Margaret Thatcher (UK) and Garrett Fitzgerald (Ireland) signed the Anglo-Irish Agreement, giving the Republic Of Ireland an advisory role in Northern affairs but not even this provoked a substantial wave of loyalist muraling. Nor did the 70th anniversary of the Battle of the Somme – the single known example is included below. The 75th anniversary of the creation of the anti-Home Rule force the Ulster Volunteers (1912-1987) prompted several UVF murals, as the similarity in name provides the organisation with an origin-story.
The presentation of loyalist volunteers is the same in loyalist murals as in republican: non-identifiable bare faces could be painted – and sometimes were [M00818 Blythe Street; M00560 Craven Street; inside Long Kesh (Rolston 1991 p. 41)] – but masks make the volunteers appear more threatening and are easier to paint. The first identifiable – deceased – volunteers (in addition to the hunger strikers) appear in a republican mural: McLarnan and Loughran (M00383). (See the next page for portraits of deceased loyalist paramilitaries.)
Rolston states (1991 pp. 41-2) that in all of the murals featuring loyalist volunteers and their weapons, the target is never visible and he contends that this is because the target is typically a Catholic civilian and thus not “honourable” for portrayal. But the same is true of republican murals: volunteers are portrayed in firing poses but their targets are not evident. (One depiction of person in range of a weapon – the only one, if we don’t count anonymous dead Jacobite solders – is of the body of Michael McCartan in Oakman Street (M00414), shot while painting graffiti in south Belfast.)
Most murals before this point were what we have been calling “proto-murals”, by which we mean that they were limited in one or more of the following ways: not filling the entire wall, having no background or a single-colour background, by being a montage of symbols or figures rather than an integrated scene. The increasing professionalism of murals is evident from the images on this page: many murals still fall short of full development, but some are large-scale, full-wall, pieces of some complexity. The final and most difficult feature to be added is a detailed background. The work of Gerard ‘Mo Chara’ Kelly, beginning in 1987, elevated muraling to new heights. Kelly began by painting images of Gerry Adams for the 1987 Westminster election but it was his work in the style and symbols of Jim Fitzpatrick that drew global attention. The murals were large, bright, and bold. Like any effective mural, their message could be taken in at a glance, but they also repaid slower aesthetic consideration. We consider these murals a high-point because they were rarely seen: not every mural needs to be so sophisticated – topical murals come and go quickly; murals on complicated issues might require a montage of symbols and figures; many UDA and UFF murals are symbols to mark territory; etc – and these full-detail murals are difficult to produce and (especially) maintain.
Republican imagery and themes remain largely the same as before, that is, a mix of traditional, paramilitary, and resistance imagery; the Sinn Féin logo and names of candidates appear in electoral murals.
For loyalist paramilitaries, the goal and the history are both bound up with the political history of Protestantism in Ireland [and very occasionally Home Rule and the creation of Northern Ireland; the first sustained muraling referring to Home Rule and partition appears in 1987].
The emblem of the UVF is a gold oval containing a red hand, with the words “For God and Ulster” around it. The youth wing, the Young Citizen Volunteers (YCV) features a shamrock, in imitation of the YCV of the Home Rule/WWI era.
The emblem of the UDA is a (bleeding) red hand either on a white, six-pointed star on an Ulster Banner shield, or on a blue background beneath a crown, in both cases with the words “Quis separabit” [“Who will separate [us]”] below. The Ulster Freedom Fighters’ (UFF) emblem features a clenched red fist on a white star between laurels; the emblem of the youth wing, the Ulster Young Militants (UYM), is a red fist with the slogan “Terrae filius” [“Son of the land”].
The goal being sought is the Union with Britain. Thus, traditional symbols of the Union, Orangism, Protestantism, and the English in Ireland, continue to appear and appear alongside paramilitary images: Union flag, Ulster banner, the crown, Bible, harp, shamrock.
Connections to Scotland (especially) and the other home countries also appear.
Northern Ireland as a free-floating entity makes an appearance. This is probably just to separate it from the Republic, but also has the effect of separating it from Britain.
The previous struggle is the campaign of William III. Thus we see Williamite slogans such as “remember 1690” and “no surrender” used in paramilitary murals, so that the connection with historical loyalism is not lost. (The UVF flag also preserves a connection to the Orange Order.)
The first use of the “inside” of Free Derry Corner was to repeat in Irish the slogan on the other side “You are now entering Free Derry”. The rear of Free Derry Corner has its own Visual History page.
“For A New Ireland/Vote Sinn Féin”. Although it asks people to vote for Sinn Féin and was presumably painted in time for the 1983 Westminster election, this mural is tied to on-going issues rather than to the election specifically. It remained on the wall for three years.
(1986 dating to 1983 M00399)
Sinn Féin’s logo was (and remains) the island of Ireland with the party name (or often just the capital letters) superimposed. This example is in Bishop Street, Derry.
Traditional imagery – including the rarely seen shamrock – in Ardfoyle, Derry
1984 saw a controversy over the name of the city on the Foyle: Derry or Londonderry? The council voted to change the name of the district and hence of itself to “Derry” but SDLP councillors refused to support a change in the name of the city itself, which prompted a local wag to suggest a renaming of the party (shown below). A 2007 High Court decision affirmed the official name of the city to be “Londonderry”.
“Stoop Down Low Party” (Rossville Street, Derry)
Loyalist graffiti supporting “Londonderry” over “Derry”. (Kennedy Place, Londonderry)
Testimony from a number of informants (grasses, touts) led to a large number of convictions – such as the 22 PIRA members convicted on the basis of testimony from Christopher Black in 1983 – and thus known as “supergrasses”. Convictions from supergrass trials were often overturned on appeal and the method of prosecution quickly became discredited.
“1971 – no trials [i.e. internment], 1984 show trials”. (Unity Flats)
The last supergrass trial was in December 1985, when 25 members of the INLA were jailed on the testimony of INLA member Harry Kirkpatrick. After this, the use of informants was suspended.
“Kirkpatrick paid informer” (Unity Flats)
Alan Skillen painted a series of murals in (PUL) Percy Place, seven gables and four side walls (at least). They ranged from traditional imagery such as a mounted King Billy, the red hand, and symbols of Orangism, to paramilitary imagery such as masked gunmen, both UDA and UVF emblems, and barbed wire (for prisoners).
Here is one of the Alan Skillen side-walls, showing a volunteer with a rifle in his left hand and the Ulster banner on a spear in his right, standing on a free-floating Northern Ireland.
(1988 dating to 1984 M00568)
A gable mural by Alan Skillen of traditional Protestant/Orange symbol of the crown and Bible. The gable murals were all painted on bare (brick) backgrounds while the side-walls were given coloured backgrounds.
(1988 dating to 1984 M00573)
A complete set of the Percy Place murals can be seen on a separate page of the Alan Skillen Murals.
Mise Éire and Firing Party in Chamberlain Street, Derry.
An illustration of Bobby Sands’s saying “Everyone … has his or her own particular part to play.” The mural, which is already graffitied in this image, would later be paintbombed and in response a plaque was added to the top left attributing this vandalism to “the destructive talents of the RUC” – click the reference link below the picture. (Westland Street, Derry)
(1985 dating to at least 1984 M00425)
Although this is a small piece on the back gates of a house in Blucher Street, Derry, it is significant for being the first (known) mention of Michael Gaughan and Frank Stagg in addition to the ten deceased 1981 hunger strikers. They both died on hunger strike in English prisons in the 1970s.
Sean Downes was shot at point-blank range with a plastic bullet in Andersonstown in August 1984, as the RUC moved to prevent Martin Galvin of NORAID from speaking. (CNR)
The weapons of the IRA. (Whiterock Road)
A Derry brigade roll of honour, likening the deceased to Celtic warriors.
First plaque in the Peter Moloney Collection, to members of IRA (Belfast brigade) D Coy, 2nd Batt. (Albert Street at Joy Street, in Divis.)
The Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985 didn’t spawn much muraling, but it did give rise to the famous slogan “Ulster Says No” and its local variants such as “Belfast Says No”.
“The Fountain Says No” (Fountain Street, Londonderry) (PUL)
Later (1989 image of a fresh-looking mural) republican reaction in Strabane, critical of Thatcher and Fitzgerald.
Craven Street mural with WWI Ulster Volunteers on the left and UVF volunteers (unusually) in Long Kesh on the right.
(1988 dating to 1986 M00560)
Defunct UUP offices in Glengall Street, “Keeping Ulster British”. In the 1987 Westminster elections, the UUP were still the largest party, taking 9 of 17 seats.
UDA insignia next to a King Billy. Bond’s Place, Londonderry. (Londonderry crest out of shot to left).
“The UVF reserve the right to strike at republican targets where and when the opportunity arises.” (Ohio Street, Belfast)
(1988 dating to 1985 M00549)
UDA board with Orange Order flag-bearers on either side. (Fountain, Londonderry)
Wide array of loyalist traditional and paramilitary symbols, plus the full crest of Northern Ireland (click the reference number for a close-up), with surrounding UDA and UVF insignia, in the Fountain area of Londonderry. (Fountain, Londonderry)
(1986 begun in 1985 M00391)
“Armed Struggle – Peoples Politics”. Volunteer with RPG. (Beechmount Avenue, Belfast)
“SS RUC” and “Victory to the IRA”. (Whiterock Road, Belfast)
Electoral mural on the Falls Road, Belfast: “Freedom. Justice. Peace” in tricolours. “Vote Sinn Féin.” The inclusion of “peace” perhaps suggests weariness with the war and that electoral success for Sinn Féin will provide an alternative and quicker route to armistice than the military campaign.
The 75th anniversary of the Ulster Volunteers in 1987 added the Ulster Covenant of 1912 and (to a lesser extent) the Great War to the repertoire of loyalist imagery. (It is not until the re-imaging campaigns of the mid 2000s that WWI becomes an omnipresent theme in loyalist muraling – see Visual History 9.) Murals appeared combining the Ulster Volunteers of 1912 and the modern Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF). (Shankill Road at Argyle Street, Belfast)
(1988 dating to 1987 M00545)
UVF “Then  and now ” (Dover Place, Belfast)
(1988 dating to 1987 M00575)
Gerard ‘Mo Chara’ Kelly served time in Long Kesh for possession of explosives and used tracing and squaring skills he had developed in prison to paint two images of Gerry Adams for the 1987 election (Vote Adams | Vote Adams X). In prison he had also discovered the art of Jim Fitzpatrick. In May-June he painted a memorial to the eight IRA volunteers killed at Loughgall in the style of Fitzpatrick and then later in the year reproduced one of Fitzpatrick’s image, of Nuada, King of the Tuatha Dé Danann. Both murals were on Springhill Avenue, Belfast and mark the high-point of muraling, an elevation that could not be maintained in the political situation of the time: the murals were repeatedly paint-bombed and once Mo Chara’s reputation was established he would not have the luxury of time to paint such painstaking murals – until the ceasefire.
On to Visual History 06 – 1988-1993 …
This material copyright © Extramural Activity 2017-2019